Last week, Part I of this series explored how, facing multiple systemic crises, the neoliberal era of capitalism is mutating towards an authoritarian era, buoyed by a surge in populism. Through this movement, the 1% could extend their dominance.

But it need not be so. Fractures and weak points of this new authoritarianism, especially during its emergence, are already evident.

The Green-Left Surge

There has been a daunting fascist surge in global politics, dominating headlines for most of the last year. But a significant counter-force is often neglected. This represents another death-nail for neoliberalism.

For the last three decades the idea that There Is No Alternative has widely rung true of party politics. The "choice" has often been between right-wing conservatives or centre and social democratic parties, which have shared the belief that market forces should rule supreme. Even in countries with proportional representative multi-party systems, where greens or left parties often share power, main contenders have been neoliberal.

This direction has altered recently. Last month's Dutch elections gained global attention as the far right was expected to make significant gains. A fascist was also expected to win Austria’s presidential race last year. On both occasions the defining result was that the far right was beaten by radical progressive green parties.

Other examples of the ascendency of radical parties include the Pirates of Iceland, Spain’s Podemos and the Greens in Scotland’s Holyrood. In the rest of the U.K., Jeremy Corbyn has brought choice back into Westminster politics, and if it was not for such an adversarial Democratic Party machine, it is not unrealistic to think Bernie Sanders would have made it last November to the White House.

The lesson here seems to be that social democratic parties pushing a platform of neoliberalism-lite are no challenge to the new populism. More neoliberalism will not save us from the fascists.

Politics Beyond Neoliberalism

This green-radical left surge offers two important lessons. First, it is a eulogy for the idea that There Is No Alternative (TINA), even in party politics. Second, it suggests that we need to throw our conceptions of party politics as an incontestable space out the window. In this new stage of emerging populism and authoritarianism, there are other ways to undercut parties, both ideologically and in practical terms.

As we discussed in Part I, the new authoritarianism itself attacks the outgoing neoliberal regime – including free trade, open borders and aspects of neoliberal development – only to replace it with policies that are even more authoritarian and biased towards the 1%.

Undercutting the New Authoritarianism

1. No Pasaran

One advantage of attacking fascism today, compared to the early neoliberalism of the 1980s, is that we are dealing with a familiar enemy. Neither was the beginning of the neoliberal era a time of so many interconnected crises. The ideology was conceptualised and then rolled out: from Chile in the 1970s, Reagan and Thatcher pushed their pro-market ideas on to unsuspecting populations cloaked in the language of social democracy (the previous era of capitalism).

In contrast, we only need to look back to the early 20th Century to see how nationalist, authoritarian and fascist regimes devastated societies, such as Spain, Germany and Italy. Fighting against neoliberal economics is more difficult as it thrives by suggesting that economics is too complicated for the average person on the street. In contrast, living memory means fascism is a known threat.

There is a rich anti-fascist resistance to draw on. One essential principle from the Spanish Republic of the 1930s was "No Pasaran," meaning "The fascists will not pass." In Britain the Battle of Cable Street shows how building solidarity stopped fascism’s march in the mid-1930s.

2. Connect Fascism and Capitalism

One of the most iconic anti-Hitler posters showed the "real meaning of the Hitler salute." German artist-activist John Heartfield in 1933 portrayed a smaller Hitler, in the foreground, taking money from a larger capitalist into his raised hand.

The way the 1% are bank-rolling populist racist parties is as relevant today as it was 80 years ago. It needs to be highlighted.

3. Fight for Just and Ecologically Sound Systemic Change

In the face of authoritarianism, one potential strategy is to stem the tide and uphold the status quo. But this has failed in the past. It will inevitably fail now.

Facing neoliberalism, from the 1990s onwards, great swathes of the left tried to triangulate between the harder neoliberalism with versions of neoliberalism-lite. What this meant was that they continued to give ground to their opponents, to the extent that social democratic parties became equally co-opted by big business.

As the Green-radical left surge shows, the best way to fight the new populism is to accept that the status quo must end. Business as usual is leading to multiple systemic crises. Instead, the left needs to create an ethical vision of a future that particularly speaks for everyone devastated by neoliberal globalization, and ultimately capitalism.

4. Break Out of the Neoliberal Straitjacket on Imagination

One of neoliberalism’s most powerful mantras was its attack on any new pathway. Even with the crumbling of neoliberal orthodoxy, this idea could still be used to maintain the emerging authoritarianism.

But TINA has never been easier to smash. Neoliberalism’s divergence towards fascism itself shatters it. The green-radical left surge breaks the idea. There are also historic and recent examples of how societies can organize beyond neoliberalism, where power and resources are controlled by the people, not the 1%.

Three significant alternative models in action include the Rojava experiment in direct democracy, where women’s empowerment is central; Spanish municipalities and councils, which are run by a coalition of networks and are reclaiming local politics from the political classes; and the Icelandic work in progress on digital direct democracy.

This is just the tip of the iceberg in terms of alternatives and ways to simultaneously challenge both the emerging fascism and the legacies of neoliberalism. Liberation struggles, hacking, worker-cooperatives and divestment are some more pathways.

Other worlds are happening. Many have said that the best way to break away from a new system is to build a better one. With the fall of neoliberalism now is an ideal opportunity. With the rise of authoritarianism this is an even more crucial project.

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